Anarcho-Syndicalism 101: newswire/255

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Anarcho-Syndicalism - Catalyst for Workers' Self Organisation Not Leftist Sect Building
by Mark - Anarcho-Syndicalist Network Previously published: Rebel Worker, Aug.-Sept. 2005	03 Jan 2006
A history & analysis of workplace struggles in public transport in Australia, particularly in New South Wales over the last 15 years and a discussion of the role of anarcho-syndicalists in assisting these struggles
From Rebel Worker Vol.23 No.3 (189) Aug.-Sept. 2005, paper of the Anarcho-Syndicalist Network. Address: PO Box 92 Broadway 2007 NSW Australia, E-mail: rworker(at)chaos.apana.org.au Web Page: rebelworker.org Introduction With the likely cave-in by the existing bureaucratic ALP (Australian Labor Party) affiliated unionism to the Howard Govt’s major changes to industrial relations legislation, leading further down the road to its steady obliteration, the issue of building a direct action, ultra democratic alternative is an ever more burning issue. The following article explores fundamental aspects of anarcho-syndicalism as a type of unionism and as an ongoing strategy being pursued in Australia today in the fight against the employer offensive. In this article, I will firstly briefly sketch the character of anarcho-syndicalism in the Australian context. It involves the spreading of anarchist ideas of action and organization within the labour movement to establish a new labour movement capable of eventually achieving the overthrow of the capitalist mode of production. Involving realising workers’ control of industry and community control of communities. These ideas include federalism – workers’ unions are voluntary associations with decision making at regular work place assemblies and the election of delegates for the coordination of decision making. These delegates have a limited mandate, are instantly recallable and have limited tenures of office. In anarcho-syndicalist unions, full time officials would also be paid at the average wage and have no executive powers. In sharp contrast to today’s bureaucratic unionism, characterised by full time officers with high salaries and other perks, invested with executive powers. These officials also on occasion disregard the decisions of membership assemblies and are generally moving to abolish mass meetings in many unions . In 2002, the executive of the Bus Division of the Rail Tram & Bus Union (RTBU) disregarded the decision of a bus drivers’ mass meeting in Sydney to call a 48 hour strike. Whilst, since 2002, the RTBU Bus Division executive has refused to call any further mass meetings, apparently due to emergence of an organised rank and file opposition called “Kickstart” and the death of a key figure of the union officials’ machine who specialised in orchestrating mass meetings. (See State Transit –Govt. Buses, p 6 in RW Vol.21 No.2 (176) April-May 2002). In the case of the NSW Railways, mass meetings have been held by the combined Rail Unions regarding the recent Enterprise Agreement. However, the officials have ensured that the meetings weren’t stop work meetings and that it was poorly advertised in key workplaces, ensuring that militants have been unable to mobilise and that the meetings have been dominated by the union officials’ ALP machine co-thinkers. Anarcho-syndicalist unions are also opposed to political parties and other forms of indirect action ie reliance on Industrial/Arbitration Commissions. We favour direct action. Forms of action directly controlled by workers on the job eg the go-slow, work to rule, the strike, the general strike, etc. However, anarcho-syndicalist unions are open to all workers to join, without regard to political, religious or other affiliations. Different tendencies would be free to organise to argue their case at workers’ assemblies and other forums eg union journals. Currently and in the past, there has been little allowance for differing tendencies to debate their differences in union journals or union meetings. The union journal is normally just a union hierarchy propaganda sheet, used for advertising themselves for upcoming elections. Union mass meetings when they did occur, they were generally highly manipulated by the officials to ensure the rank and file and opposition factions had inadequate time to express their views. In the CPSU (Community & Public Sector Union) NSW Centrelink Branch , in one of the last mass meetings held over a staffing campaign in the late 1990’s, the officials cleverly strangled the debate and discussion by using the ploy of a CFMEU (Construction Union) workers solidarity march in the meeting, to cut off discussion time to a mere few minutes. Whilst the officials had over an hour to speak. An interesting example where union officials were inspired by an anarcho-syndicalist type approach was the NSW Branch of the BLF (Builders’ Labourers’ Federation) in the late 1960s and early 1970’s. Free debate and discussion was welcomed at mass meetings. Anarcho-syndicalist militants were allowed to address mass meetings on such issues as “workers’ control of industry”. The union officials recognised mass meeting decisions as executive decisions. (See Green Bans/Red Union by Verity and Meredith Burgmann).In regard to forms of direct action, favoured anarcho- syndicalists, the NSW BLF pursued some of the highest expressions of this form of struggle in the shape of work-ins on sites. Most importantly on the Opera House site, where workers’ elected their own foremen. This “work-in” helped inspire a “workers’ control” movement in many industries in the early 1970’s. Some of the highest expressions of workers’ control style, direct action influenced by anarcho-syndicalists since the 1990’s in Australia are the workers control action by trammies in Melbourne on January 1st 1990 and the emergence of “Drivers for Affirmative Action”(DAAG) in the NSW Railways in early 2004. In regard to the trammies’ action which involved their running of the tramways without their bosses until the bosses cut the power off, the trammies developed their own rosters with the help of “gunzels”, people interested in tramways operations as a hobby and issued their own tickets. These ultra militant features were encouraged by the militant traditions of public transport workers in Victoria eg it was the focus of the 1969 General Strike against the Arbitration Court Penal Provisions and the Atlantean Buses introduction and the influence of the Victorian Sparks Magazine. During the subsequent occupation of the tram depots, anarcho-syndicalists were active helping set up passenger support groups and decentralised strike funds. The funds collected by the officials for the “official” centralised strike fund were not passed onto the workers during the course of the dispute, most notoriously funds collected from a “Tramathon” on 3CR. (See “Anarcho-Syndicalism in Practice” Ed. M. McGuire.) DAAG emerged in early 2004 as a “work to rule” campaign by most City Rail Train Drivers and was independent of the union hierarchy. The NSW Sparks magazine which is read by many train drivers was influential in regard to the anti-bureaucratic nature of the movement and its direct action orientation. The Sparks Train Drivers’ Division was also active in the campaign which was successful in winning large bonuses for the train drivers. Due to the Train Drivers’ lack of self confidence, the movement remained “informal” and “underground”, without the development of delegate coordinative structures and the crystallisation of a new anarcho-syndicalist style union. (See NSW Train Drivers’ News, page 6 in RW Vol.23 No.1 (184) April-May 2004). Another aspect of anarcho-syndicalism is “Industrial Unionism”. Involving unions organising and uniting workers regardless of trade or skill in the same industry in the same union to facilitate more effective industrial action. With this form of organising, anarcho-syndicalists have an eye toward the eventual workers’ seizure of industries. Industrial union committees on various scales would become in a revolutionary situation, the coordinating committees of various phases and components in industries. Associated with the existing ALP associated bureaucratic union movement, there has been a “merger” process which has increased in tempo in the 1980’s and 1990’s, which has resulted in approximations of industrial unions. A most significant example is the RTBU. However, rather than being an authentic industrial union, it has merely involved the merging of the different bureaucracies of public transport unions. The members are effectively in different unions without any coordinated action eg between Rail and Bus Divisions. The merger of the different unions to form the RTBU had nothing to do with forging a more effective weapon in the class struggle, but a ploy to maintain the funding of the union bureaucracy hard hit by sell outs of members to privatisation and staff cuts, and no doubt power politics in the ALP. A most critical aspect of anarcho-syndicalism is workers self education and the associated formation of union halls and workers’ self education courses, particularly to prepare workers for the day to day class struggle and the eventual takeover of the running of industry. In contrast to bureaucratic unions, whose head quarters are very much union boss lairs and what courses held there are very much informed by the mystique of negotiations and industrial legislation. However, it must be understood that for workers to participate in the self education process associated with anarcho-syndicalist unions, important victories in the class struggle such as a reduction in the intensity of the speed up and a reduction in hours worked per day would need to be won, to encourage workers to attend courses at union halls after work, etc. The establishment of workers control of industries and this self education process with the reshaping of educational institutions at various levels from transmission belts of bourgeois ideology and producers of technicians/managers to reproduce the capitalist set-up would be associated with a reshaping of the forces of production – the development of new technologies which would enrich workers’ skills and control of the production process and move away from predominance of an elite of technicians and engineers in the processes of design, planning and coordination in industries. With the abolition of the profit motive, industries under workers control could produce according to community need and environmental considerations. Two crucial interrelated aspects of anarcho-syndicalism are anti-militarism and internationalism. As anarcho-syndicalist unions prepare workers to establish control of industry, they prepare workers to combat the armed might of the state which one day may be deployed in the shape of marshal law or a military coup. This activity involves the organization of the workers in uniform and the generalisation of an antimilitarist movement in the armed forces and the establishment of a workers’ militia with appropriate training and the acquisition of weaponry. Armed forces based on militia systems already exist, such as in Switzerland, where its members take weaponry such as machine guns home with them. Consequently, militias have a very high rate of mobilisation in comparison to conventional armies and would play a critical role in helping counter military coups. The absence of such a well established militia system was an important contribution to the inability of the workers movement in Spain in July 1936 to completely defeat Franco’s coup. For any revolutionary break through in one country or industrial action in many industries to be successful, the industrial solidarity of workers in other countries is vital. Its become particularly important with the new strategies and technologies of international capital in the shape of containerisation, world car projects, multinational companies out sourcing jobs and functions in the 3^rd world to take advantage of low wages such as the outsourcing of call centre jobs to India. In the case of the outbreak of imperialist wars, a most effective weapon to combat it lies in coordinated workers’ industrial action. In the case of the recent Iraq war and invasion, protest spectacles involving hundreds of thousands of people in various Australian cities proved ineffectual in countering it. However, the internationally coordinated action by transport workers strangling supplies would have dealt a heavy blow to the affair. The Germination of Catalysts I want to now look at the role of anarcho-syndicalists as catalysts for workers’ self organization. We are certainly a long way from the emergence of mass anarcho-syndicalist unionism, which I have described. The role of anarcho-syndicalists today is very much about assisting changes within the grass roots of the workers’ movement. It involves assisting the networking of grass roots activists/militants, assisting the raising of morale, helping create forums where information can be shared, debates on issues held and analyses presented and generally encouraging a “scientific climate” where the widest freedom of discussion occurs and diverse lines of research are encouraged. In such a framework, a strategy can be adopted which best takes account of limited personnel and resources involving prioritising work in industries of strategic importance. In this way the tide of the employer offensive can be turned. Currently in Australia today, most anarcho-syndicalists focus on grass roots activity in transport industries and the associated production and distribution of the rank and file transport workers’ publication “Sparks”. Why Transport? This emphasis stems from its key role in the operation of diverse industries in the capitalist economy. It is particularly critical in regard to the new strategies of contemporary capitalism such as “just in time” involving limited supplies at factories, “lean” and the international organization of the production of goods such as the world car project with multinational company subsidies in different countries specialising in producing different components. With the control of transport industries such as trucking it would be possible to greatly assist syndicalist union organising drives at busy times such as at Xmas through cutting off supplies to factories and department stores. Big victories won by transport workers would be important in raising the morale and inspire militants in other sectors to take action and pursue claims. The emergence of DAAG in early 2004 inspired train guard militants to follow suit. However, these moves were sabotaged by the union hierarchy which moved rapidly against the rebels. We must also take into account historical precedents such as the “COBAS” or grass roots committees in Italy during the 1980’s. It’s major focus was in public transport and led to a wave of direct action in public sector industry, culminating in the emergence of a multiplicity of independent unions. (See “The Cobas” by David Brown) An other important precedent, is the public sector strike waves in France in late 1986 and early 1987 and December 1995. These strike waves radiated from the railways and were characterised by ultra democratic forms in the shape of “coordinating committees of delegates”. (See “France’s Hot December” by C.Harman in International Socialism p47 Spring 1996) In regard to the magazine “Sparks” which was launched in NSW in early 1990 and has been published on a regular basis since then and is widely distributed in RailCorp, State Transit buses and private bus companies. Its role is not about “building” or “recruiting” for the “Anarcho-Syndicalist Party, but assisting grass roots direct action and self organization. Particularly assisting with the raising of morale amongst the grass roots and countering management and union hierarchy propaganda and countering/exposing their nefarious plans and the role of their stooges. Evidence of its effectiveness and positive role amongst the grass roots on the job is supplied by several episodes of industrial action/campaigns by rail and bus workers since the 1990’s. Bus & Rail Workers’ Struggles in NSW In Dec. 1997, there was an outbreak of major wild cat strikes at Central Station in Sydney. These actions by station assistants stemming from management frame-ups of workers for the sack was part of an intensified speedup/staff reduction drive. Police were called in to escort from the job, framed up workers, resulting in a spontaneous outbreak of industrial action by hundreds of workers. The next day the Rightwing ALP RTBU hierarchy appealed to its ALP “comrades” in signals to stop the trains for several hours at the morning peak for the holding of union meeting to get the station staff back to work. Normally signals are not so inclined to take solidarity action with other rail grades, due to the predominance of “management co-thinkers” in their ranks. The mainstream media completely blacked out this industrial action apparently due to a secret deal between media bosses and the NSW Govt in regard to the upcoming Olympics. Sparks was able to breach this blackout and spread the news of the action to other public transport workers. This action was particularly significant as it breached a “dispute settling procedure” with an associated industrial allowance of several thousand dollars per annum, which had been introduced by the Wran ALP Govt. which effectively eliminated most industrial action. The NSW Labor Council (Now Unions NSW) would be given warning of any action, intervene and squash the dispute. In March 1998, wild cat action broke out at Waverley bus depot and other STA bus depots of the Nth Shore where many drivers are regular Sparks readers over issues related to the Sydney Harbour Bridge raised in Sparks and different issues in regard to Waverley. In Sept. 1999, a massive state wide lightning one day rail strike swept NSW, which was also in breach of the dispute settling procedure. No 72 hours notice of the action was given. It was called by the union hierarchy to prevent a rank and file controlled campaign by station assistants to oppose the pre-privatisation restructuring of the City Rail station network, called “Customer Service Management”, creating the basis for selling groups of stations off as franchises and alienate commuters from supporting industrial action by rail workers during the upcoming Olympics. The union officials had lost control of a mass meeting to militants called on the CSM issue. Sparks appears to have assisted the agitation of militants at the meeting via its exposure of union officials who collaborate with management and assisting militants in presenting a critique of CSM. In the lead up to CSM plan, notices had appeared throughout the railways threatening disciplinary action for those who “distribute unauthorised publications”. Obviously aimed at countering the agitation via leafleting of militants. However, the Sparks network was able to assist the militants’ agitation and out manoeuvre the bosses tactic. This major industrial action formed a peak of a public sector strike wave in the week before the annual ALP State Conference involving nurses, rail workers and council workers. The union hierarchy used this industrial action to exert pressure on the Carr Govt. regarding its participation in consultation committees to replace the dispute settling procedure established by the Wran Govt. Other important ramifications of the anti CSM campaign and industrial action was the dropping of the full scale introduction of CSM which take advantage of special conditions during the Olympics period for its implementation. However, management with union hierarchy support were able to introduce 12 hour shifts widely amongst station staff with a subsequent enterprise agreement which has greatly disorganised militants activity. Whilst some minor CSM components were introduced. However, the moves toward the privatisation of the NSW Railways were definitely significantly slowed and consequently similar moves in other Govt. owned industries. In 2002, the Sparks network assisted militant bus drivers to distribute leaflets at mass meetings of the Bus Division of the RTBU to oppose an enterprise agreement which included a clause, termed “Transmission of Business” which gives the green light to privatisation. Subsequently the Sparks network assisted the networking of drivers from 4-5 depots to form a rank and file movement. The first such grouping in the buses for over 20 years. In February 2004, DAAG emerged in the railways. As mentioned this movement achieved an important victory with its “work to rule” direct action campaign. Prior to its emergence, militant train drivers were successful at Xmas 2003 in preventing the closure of the First Aid Room at Central, and so saving the job of a key militant, which was exposed in Sparks with threats of industrial action. DAAG greatly frightened the rail and union bosses. As in the past, they could prevent any such action via the manipulation of train drivers’ union meetings by secret ALP caucuses. Left Sect Infestations In contrast, to this activity, Left Sects of different stripes are particularly characterised by their “existential orientation” – existing for their own sake. Often very active, but irrelevant to significantly affecting the class struggle or combating the employer offensive. Their major thrust being recruitment of new members particularly amongst students/new middle class elements. Particularly to help finance micro bureaucracies of full time officials. Rather than encouraging a scientific climate at their public meetings, they normally resort to manipulative techniques to transform these gatherings into party recruitment venues. Whilst, members reading is severely restricted to orthodox texts. This recruitment agenda leads these groups into having all sorts of wild pretensions – that they can solve every issue under the sun and so engage in a totally opportunistic merry go round of campaigns on diverse issues and peddle the dangerous and divisive “identity politics” so attractive to the leftist student/middle class subculture. However, the mainly young middle class/student sect zealots find a certain unwholesome emotional nourishment in these pseudo families/tribes and a refuge from the alienation/atomisation of capitalist society. In conclusion, this “sect” orientation precludes such leftist groupings from developing the appropriate strategies and sustained long term programs of work necessary to assist grass roots self organization/direct action in strategic industries, which contemporary anarcho-syndicalists via the Sparks project as outlined above, are conducting. Mark
See also: http://www.rebelworker.org